Source: H. Rosenthal, Juedische Rundschau Nr. 43/44, 30.05.1933
Integration of Jews into the New German State
The difficult question poses itself: what should happen to the Jews? The State, represented by the NSDAP, has excluded them from public life. Does that mean, that it is prepared to condemn half a million people to destruction, a part of the population that is conscious of no 'offence' other than having been born Jewish? German Jewry is convinced that it has fulfilled its civic duties with as much dedication as any other group of the population. On this basis it demands its fair share of living space [lebensraum] in the new order of conditions in Germany and expects its civil rights to be reinstated. But neither the Jews nor the Germans would be served by the re-establishment of the old situation. Again Germans and Jews face the Jewish question, which requires a better solution than the former one. Finding a better solution should be the task of all virtuous Germans and all virtuous Jews. This article does not purport to propose a solution it merely attempts to point in the direction where the solution may be found. It would have to strive for an Organic integration of Jewry into the new State in which the leading ideas of the new order of national life Volksleben should be in effect. Hans Zehrer [right wing journalist] writes in his article 'The Revolution From the Right', published in the April edition of the Tat, Only through self-administration, which carries with it responsibilities as well advantages and disadvantages, can the State achieve active co-operation of its citizens and awaken voluntary initiative ...Three corporate bodies [estates] function as the pillars of this autonomy: Confession, Homeland, and Profession.' Through which of these three bodies, by means of self-administration, could one best conceive the integration of German Jewry in the joint effort of constructing the State?
For a century German Jewry conceived itself to be a confessional body. But because it is in fact something other than a confession, while that concept was used to define Jewry's position in the State - enormous confusion has been caused, which has to be overcome. Although the majority of the Jewish population is concentrated in a few professions, integration by means of the professional estate is inconceivable. Moreover, for a long time Jews of all social classes have unanimously agree that nothing is more desirable than vocational restructuring [ Berufsumschichtung ]. It is conceivable, to integrate Jews as a 'national minority' that could autonomously deal with cultural and other affairs. The German Jews would most probably not approve this solution. The 'objective characteristics' used to define a national minority do not entirely apply to the Jews. That is why German Jews, including the National Jews [Zionists], do not pursue the status of a national minority. The Jews are a group of its own kind, consequently their integration into the state has to be achieved in a unique way.
Jewry as a hypothetical homeland [ideelle 'Landschaft']
Perhaps the best way to take account of the special position of Jewry is to consider it the equivalent of a region or province. Perhaps one could consider Jewry as if it were an imaginary land, since certain distinct physical features, as well as their psyche, endow the Jews with the characteristics of people who belong to a typical homeland. It makes no difference if Jews live in Bavaria or in Westphalia; although they show peculiarities of either the Bavarian or the Westphalian, their real distinct characteristic is neither Bavarian nor Westphalian but rather their Jewish individuality. Therefore the domain, in which the Jew should rule autonomously, is not a material, but an ideal one, and its tasks focus first of all on the realm of culture. Yet we will also identify other tasks, which are congruent with the fundamental tasks of the German Public. It is an urgent task of Jewry to lead the Jews back to the land [countryside]. Leading the Jews back to the land that is not at the same time a re-rooting in the soil itself would only start the process of urbanisation all over again - the village and small town Jew would go from his little peddler's pack, via a small shop, to a wholesale store in the big city. In this context the question of vocational restructuring, to date an issue only for Jewish economists and philanthropists, will under the new circumstances become vital for German Jewry fighting for its existence. Only a fraction of the half million German Jews can emigrate; an even smaller percentage have the prospect of settling in Palestine and thus returning to agriculture on their ancestral soil. Undoubtedly one cannot let the Jews of Germany starve, hence German Jewry can make a virtue of necessity - if the State gave them the opportunity.
Domestic Colonisation
The first step toward integrating the Jews into the new State should be domestic colonisation. It would be a decisive change in the social structure of German Jewry if only the ratio of Jewish to German settlements in the colonisation program were set at 1: 100. The factors that apply to Jewish colonisation should be precisely those recognised for colonisation in general, especially with respect to endowment of land and resources, as this kind of colonisation deals with the impoverished or unemployed segment of the Jewish population. One thing should be absolutely clear: an undertaking of enduring worth can only be created if Jewish colonisation preserves Jewish group unity, this with the goal of preserving the ideal 'homeland-like' [ideele ' landschaftliche '] character of Jewry. Jewish farming villages in Germany are no less possible than in Argentina or the Soviet-Russia. One can assume that the Jewish farmer in Germany will develop certain capabilities peculiar to him, which, without negating his own his nature, will be of value to the life of the German Volk . Domestic colonisation would need one more element, which is Jewish suburban housing - a solution that the Jewish working class has attempted in Palestine in the past decade with good results. While suburbs are supposed to serve the urban labour class and make it more independent from the ups and downs in the labour market, the purpose of the Jewish suburb would be to transfer these Jews, gradually, to the agricultural sector. A large number of impoverished Jews living in small towns would be willing to change their peddler's bag for a spade, assuming they are given the facilities to do so. In most cases, the wife works in the store - and deals with the home, while it is her husband who is on the road peddling. Thus the transition from commerce to agriculture can be gradual, which would diminish the investment required.
Voluntary Labour Service and Labour-Service Duty
The historic estrangement of Jews from the land and its cultivation poses a major difficulty in the implementation of such plans. An urban factory worker, who's grandfather lived in the countryside, inherits a centuries-old bond with the Homeland. Most likely it will be easier for him to return to agriculture. Although the situation is different with the Jews, the example of the Jewish colonisation in Palestine shows that even the sons of a people of tradesmen can become working farmers if - as is the case in Palestine - the will to renew the community exists. Despite all the differences between Jewish settlements in Palestine and Germany, there is no doubt that even determined German Jews would undertake their work with enthusiasm and devotion. Still, without the active support of the government, this large undertaking will not be feasible. In this context the voluntary labour service and its task of enlisting everyone, willing and able, into the scope of the general voluntary labour service becomes significant. Furthermore, one should consider the Union of Jewish Labour Volunteers and give them the opportunity to compete honourably with Christian volunteers. Further, recruitment of Jews for labour-service duty should be included in the, provided that the char of the imaginary Jewish homeland is preserved. Transferring a part of German Jewry to agriculture does not constitute total vocational restructuring, but it is a beginning. The case in Palestine demonstrates this: where farmers cultivate the soil, there is a need for carpenters, mechanics, locksmiths, electricians and blacksmiths. As they have demonstrated in the past, Jews have the talent and the know-how for such trades. The prejudice that Jews are unfit for hard manual labour and manual occupations has been disproved. Given the opportunity, success is inevitable.
Cultural Mission and Educational Affairs
From the image of Jewry as an ideal domain [ ideele Landschaft ] we derive, as the basis for our cultural mission, the following formula: 'Jews in the German realm.' 'Germans shaped by the Jewish homeland.' This formulation no longer permits any glossing over and watering down. We are building a new Jewish identity with all our being, formed by 3000 years of culture, as a nation with a common faith, as a community sharing a common fate, as a nationality, or however an individual may define their connection to Judaism. Out of our collective unconscious (C. G. Jung) flows the primal energy [ Urkraft ] for a new Jewish cultural creation. Jews in the German realm' has a double meaning. First of all it means utmost concentration on ourselves. Never again will we be drawn into the periodical, decaying ephemeral shaping of ideas that determine peoples [ Voelker ]. Therefore we need a solidarity with Judaism based on knowledge and awareness: based on that unique knowledge, which is not limited to the concepts of Jewish religiosity, Jewish culture, or Jewish nationhood, but rather forms a unity comprised of all three elements. We need a Jewish solidarity that is supported by knowledge of the Hebrew language and knowledge of our history. Only by mobilising the totality of our Jewishness to give shape to our life in the German realm can we avoid falling into the abysmal confusion that misconceived emancipation has produced. 'Jews in the German realm' has a second meaning. If the area we inhabit totally confines us, we cannot bring our most valuable capacities to full development, i.e., we cannot be Jewish to the maximum of our capabilities. Therefore we must have space! This should be understood in the context of previous sections and as explained in the final section . As the first thesis of our formula emphasises our Jewish essence, the second is concerned with our German essence. Today it is difficult to judge whether to undertake, yet again, a synthesis of both theses on a new basis. But rational, realistic necessities still force us to talk about our German being and the tasks it imposes on us. The experience of emancipation is the most recent addition to our collective unconscious, whose deepest 'soul' layer the repository of 3000 years of Jewish life consists of impressions, images, and ideas. A time span of just 100 years seems short when compared to 3000 years; yet in no other period of Diaspora history has Judaism been so liberal and open-minded as in this short period. It will leave its traces on Judaism. Nevertheless, today we realise that this process negated our true nature and distorted our perceptions of the world. The real meaning of emancipation becomes comprehensible once we have to view the world that surrounds from a purely Jewish perspective. Likewise the thesis 'Germans shaped by the Jewish homeland' also has a double meaning: Only with the reinstatement of our civil rights can we be Germans. But with our new model for integration into the German Sate, we do not seek to be 'bearers' or even 'agents' of German culture. We are convinced that if one can make any sense at all of the history of man, then it is to be found in our German-Jewish history, with its the reciprocal fertilisation of the German and Jewish spirits. Consequently, the second thesis also indicates that only when the purely Jewish spirit leaves its deep imprint on our own culture, can we expect the German spirit to show the kind of interest in Jewish culture that we have devoted to theirs. Under these conditions, practical cultural challenges face German Jewry, which can be met through a special [Jewish] educational system comprising two realms: German culture and Jewish culture. Jews have to be familiar with both realms. Their situation is comparable to that of people living in border provinces, who need to know two languages and two cultures. The key component of the Jewish educational system is the Jewish school, whose character flows from all that we have already mentioned. Using Buber's words, it will be Jewish in its essence. This can only be possible if the State does not treat it as a confessional school to satisfy religious needs with 2-4 hours of religious education. A 'truly Jewish' school can only be based on a broad Jewish curriculum. In particular, this concerns knowledge of the Hebrew language. The syllabus should give the student the opportunity to study our ancient culture from primary sources as well as learn about the newly developing Hebrew culture in Palestine. Furthermore, the character of a 'truly Jewish' school requires that its whole life be permeated with Jewish content. But this is not the place to describe how the Jewish curriculum should look in detail, nor can the question of school types be discussed in this article. A new will and a new purpose require new forms and new opportunities. For this we need the help and approval of the State, thereby giving over to the German-Jewish realm a responsibility for self-administration, which serves the State's own best interest.
Self-administration
Thus far we have not discussed in sufficient detail, to which corporate body all the tasks mentioned above should be assigned. In what concerns purely religious or confessional affairs, such as worship, religious education in the narrow sense, religious associations etc., one is just dealing with religious matters. But when confronted with social-welfare institutions - hospitals, old peoples homes, orphanages and relief agencies - the government acts as a superior authority. To a great extent this affects the aforementioned tasks concerning the life of Jews as German citizens and their integration into the new State. These are responsibilities that are being framed today by the State itself and that it has given to its citizens for self administration'. In this broad range of activities German Jewry has the opportunity to prove its will and capacity as well as to give the individual the opportunity for public commitment. The German Jewish community today stands at a point, similar to the one it found itself at before the year 1812. It must struggle for a new Emancipation, but by new means. It must re-establish links to our former conditions, which were disrupted in the year 1812 out of ignorance of their internal and external indispensability, it must reconnect to the old heritage of its ancestry. In so much as we are Jews of deeply rooted ancestry who serve the German edifice, we will also avoid the blunders and cliffs over which we have plunged to our present misfortune.
